On the Prospects of Civil Society in Russia

Writing about Russian civil society is not the most rewarding task. Russia continues its war in Ukraine. Putin has been in power for twenty-five years and, outwardly, appears to be doing well. Human rights, fair courts, transparent elections and free journalism in Russia at best provoke a sad smirk. It is difficult to say that we—civil society—are achieving the great goals we set for ourselves. On the contrary, it seems that with each passing year of the ongoing war, we are sliding further and further backward.

On fragmentation

The situation in the political sector is even worse—the term “feudal fragmentation” aptly describes its state. Several groups are fiercely in conflict with each other, paying little attention to those who are their true common enemy.

I wish I could write about how, after the release of political prisoners in August 2024, we felt inspired, united, and are now working together on projects that impact people’s lives inside the country. But that is not the case.

There is still hope

And yet, I remain an optimist and believe that the situation can still change—it is too early to give up.

There are areas where we have already achieved some success—counter-propaganda and human rights advocacy. First, the number of people receiving information from independent sources numbers in the tens of millions and continues to grow. Even if these sources do not always get along—like FBK and Katz.

Second, despite the difficult conditions, human rights work, if not saving people entirely, at least alleviates the suffering of those caught in the grip of the system—and in some cases, even helps pull them out. It is not enough, but it is not insignificant either.

Third, when it comes to civil society in exile, various initiatives have been actively supporting fellow Russians abroad—those who fled persecution, war and mobilization. “Kovcheg,” “Idite Lesom,” “Horizons”—these are all sprouts of civil society that have managed to grow on utterly barren ground.

Finally, after Trump’s victory [in the U.S.] led to the cessation of financial support for Russian media and NGOs, it was Russian philanthropists—Khodorkovsky and Zimin—who stepped in to fill the gap.

As for civil society within Russia, it would be wrong to write it off—it exists and is even developing, albeit in cautious forms.

Yes, we do not currently see protests against the war or mobilization. And that is understandable. In a situation where there is no visible prospect of change, and the likelihood of receiving a real prison sentence for a simple picket is close to 100%, few people are willing to risk their freedom. And yet, such heroes still exist.

Not all of us are heroes—and that’s okay

However, in cases where the risk of imprisonment is not as high, people come together, support each other, and even protest. Consider how many individuals rushed to save the beaches and animals of the Krasnodar region after the tanker accidents, or how many stood in lines during the presidential elections to vote for opposition candidates. I am confident that even those who are currently compelled to weave camouflage nets in the evenings will, at the first chance, change their stance and oppose the continuation of the war.

At present, this may seem hard to imagine, but it is no reason to despair over people’s reluctance to perform heroic deeds. Imagine yourself in their position—would you go to the nearest store today if you knew it could lead to imprisonment? Of course, it’s your choice, but I suspect you would prefer to stay at home.

The weakness of a dictatorial regime lies precisely in the fact that behind the façade of unanimous “approving” supporters sits a vast number of people merely feigning loyalty. The regime itself will create the conditions that transform these passive individuals into activists. It is crucial for us not to distance ourselves too much from our fellow citizens.

On the importance of establishing dialogue

I will say something unpopular. In the part where Trump speaks about the agenda imposed by the left, I agree with him. We need to be closer to the people, to talk to those who ideologically oppose us and who may even hate us.

It is difficult to explain to a mobilized soldier in a trench that feminist values are important. But it is much easier to convey that, in the event of his death, his wife might quickly spend the compensation, leaving nothing to raise the children—since it is harder for women to secure well-paying jobs.

Without hiding our belief that this war is criminal, it is important to talk to people about the lawlessness of their superiors, about corruption, about ways to protect their rights, and about how to leave this war. We must engage with those on the front lines, those in the rear and those in prison—because the system built by Putin cannot protect them and is not designed for the people. Here, it is vital that we stand by their side. Because these individuals, including those who return from the front, represent a significant problem for the authorities, and our role is not to revel in their dire situation but to stand with them against a system that will attempt to tighten the noose around them.

Will the time come?

I am confident that Russian civil society is alive. Currently, it resembles a compressed spring under the pressure of an authoritarian regime. The regime appears solid, but it is only a matter of time—when the moment comes, we will witness how swiftly it collapses, and the spring releases. It is important that we are prepared for this, that we do not lose ourselves, and that we can look into the eyes of those who survive the horrors currently unfolding within the country.

Strength to us all.

Andrey Pivovarov